...advance.”1For an unorthodox version of Tocqueville’s analyses, see Aurelian Craiutu and Jeremy Jennings, “The Third Democracy: Tocqueville’s Views of America after 1840,”American Political Science Review, 98 (3), 2004, pp. 391-404....

...between generations and cultures, and between national, local, and community institutions. In these areas affiliations are juxtaposed, fragmented, and united to resist one another, to mark off territories isolated from...

...Islamic centers in Malaga, Madrid, Milan, Mantes-la-Jolie, Edinburgh, Brussels, Lisbon, and Zagreb, as well as the increase in the number of Internet sites, all serve to facilitate access to Wahhabi...

...collected in our book, Institutions et emploi (Economica, 1999), where the empirical illustrations concern the female labor market., have shown that the labor demand problem is much more severe than...

...highlighted by the media in Lyon, for example, in 1983 and 1990, and in Strasbourg, where, for the last several years, hundreds of automobiles have been burnt every New Year’s...

...of urban policy, of violence, of republicanism, of immigration policy, of post-colonialism, of discrimination, of the labor market, of politics, of media, of racism, of the police, of the French...

...general theories” and the scorn with which reality is often greeted. Political language, Tocqueville observed, is filled with “general expressions, abstract terms, ambitious words, and literary flights”. And so it...

...“repertoire,” to use Charles Tilly’s vocabulary, include setting fire to private cars, on the one hand, and targeting public institutions on the other hand—schools, for instance, and also buses (which...

...true radicals is not the clue to their engagement (see Marc Sageman, Understanding Terrorist Networks, Penn UP, 2004). There was nothing Islamic or Arab in the riots. Strangely enough, Palestinian...