Since the 1980s, Latin American countries have engaged in a series of constitutional transformations that have reconsidered the traditional modes of social and political inclusion of ethnic communities.1→Rodolfo Stavenhagen, “Derechos humanos y ciudadanía multicultural: los pueblos indígenas,” in Sociedades multiculturales y democracia en América Latina, ed. Jorge Nieto Montesino (México, DF: Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura (UNESCO)/Proyecto DEMOS, 1999), 17–36.
→Carlos Efren Agudelo, Retos del multiculturalismo en Colombia: Política y poblaciones negras (Medellín: La Carreta, 2005).
→Luis Carlos Castillo, Etnicidad y nación: El desafío de la diversidad en Colombia (Universidad del Valle, 2007).
→Mala Htun, “Is Gender like Ethnicity? The Political Representation of Identity Groups,” Perspectives on Politics 2, no. 3 (2004): 439–458.
Some of the most common changes relate to creating or modifying institutions or political spaces to include ethnic and minority groups. For instance, countries like Colombia have pushed for special ethnic districts, Brazil has created a quota system for access to higher education, and Bolivia and Ecuador have designed veto powers for ethnic groups in some matters of national policy.

Despite these advances, some of these institutions’ performance is modest compared to the higher goals of equality and better participation and representation from which they were created. Recent scholarship has highlighted that these constitutional changes fail to promote participation and representation for different ethnic groups.2Maritza Paredes and Tomás Došek, “The Subnational Indigenous Quota in Peru: The Paradoxes of Political Representation,” Latin American Politics and Society 62, no. 3 (2020): 123–148. They also help reinforce racial hierarchies3→Mara Loveman, National Colors: Racial Classification and the State in Latin America (Oxford University Press, 2014).
→Edward Telles, Pigmentocracies: Ethnicity, Race, and Color in Latin America (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2014).
and cannot by themselves solve all representation problems.4→Cristina Echeverri-Pineda and Mateo Villamizar-Chaparro, “La representación y participación política afrocolombiana: Las elecciones del 2014 y los legisladores negros,” in Polarización y Posconflicto: Las elecciones nacionales y locales en Colombia, 2014–2017, eds. Felipe Botero, Miguel García Sánchez, and Laura Wills-Otero (Editorial Uniandes, 2018), 81–114.
→Mateo Villamizar-Chaparro and Cristina Echeverri-Pineda, “Voto en blanco y procesos organizativos en la representación de negritudes en Colombia: Elecciones del 2018,” in En configuración permanente: Partidos y elecciones nacionales y subnacionales en Colombia, 2018–2019, eds. Felipe Botero, Bibiana Ortega, Juan Federico Pino Uribe, and Laura Wills-Otero (Ediciones Uniandes y Editorial Javeriana, 2022), 309–333.
Moreover, these novel tools for representation seldomly evaluate these mechanisms’ racial and ethnic configuration and assume all people of an ethnic group behave in the same way. This also obscures the fact that individuals participating in these institutions can choose strategically whether to use them or not. In this framework, it is helpful to investigate the Colombian case.

In Colombia, every citizen can choose to vote or not in the Black district for the lower chamber of Congress. However, in this study we are interested in understanding what are the determinants of district-choice and vote-choice of the Afro-Colombian population. In other words, we analyze if Afro-Colombian people vote in the special ethnic district and how they vote in it. We ran several survey experiments on a sample of 1,200 self-identified Afro-Colombian adults. We conducted the survey online, given the Covid-19 pandemic. We complemented this quantitative analysis with telephone and video interviews with 11 leaders of Afro-Colombian organizations and current and former Afro-Colombian legislators from different regions, including Bogotá, Antioquia, Valle del Cauca, Cauca, and Bolivar.

“If Black electoral districts functioned as they should, some democratic anxieties concerning representation and political participation of minority groups could be reduced.”

Using two different survey experiments, our study points to three main findings. First, individuals who have suffered discrimination or that feel there has been historical discrimination against Colombia’s Black population tend to prefer voting in the Black district. Second, individuals who belong to ethnic organizations or strongly self-identify as Afro-Colombians prefer districts with a majority of Black candidates regardless of the type of district. Lastly, individuals exposed to positive information about the functioning of the Black district leads to an increased intention to vote in said district and a decreased preference for voting blank. If Black electoral districts functioned as they should, some democratic anxieties concerning representation and political participation of minority groups could be reduced. In particular, the fact there is low accountability for ethnic groups and a feeling that these communities lack representation in decision-making institutions.

What is an ethnic district?

We define an ethnic district as an electoral district whose constituency is built around descriptive traits related to a particular ethnic identity. They aim to provide ethnic groups with additional representation in legislative and other decision-making bodies. Politicians delineate ethnic districts to select candidates of the districts’ particular ethnicity for reserved seats and are often seen by scholars as measures of affirmative action.5New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004More Info → Moreover, these districts aim to remedy an underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in political spaces. These districts can also allow ethnic groups to have a voice and a vote with some levels of autonomy from the existing party system.6Htun, “Is Gender like Ethnicity?”

Colombia’s 1991 Constitution created national ethnic districts as an affirmative action measure intended to increase the representation and political participation of historically excluded groups. This reserved two seats in the lower Chamber of Representatives for Afro-Colombians. While intended for ethnic minorities, in reality anyone in the country, regardless of ethnic background, can vote in this district. In fact, when Colombians decide their vote for the lower chamber of Congress, they can choose between selecting a politician from their geographical district, the Indigenous district, or the Afro-Colombian district. Our research explores how district and vote choice are determined in the Afro-Colombian population.

Participation in the Afro-Colombian district

According to the 2018 census, around 10 percent of Colombians self-identify as Afro-Colombian. Following Mala Htun’s data, this makes the country the fifth in Latin America with the largest Afro-descendant population after Brazil, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and Venezuela. Similarly, in 2014, Colombia was the Latin American country with the third highest percentage of Afro-descendant legislators in Congress.

“Although participation in this district has increased, less than 5 percent of the population recognized as Afro-Colombian are plausibly voting in the ethnic district.”

Despite these figures, previous studies point out that political participation in the Afro-Colombian ethnic district has been historically low.7Ediciones Uniandes, 2011More Info → For instance, in the last three elections, the number of valid votes in that district was: 476,282 in 2022, 426,298 in 2018, and 236,061 in 2014. Although participation in this district has increased, less than 5 percent of the population recognized as Afro-Colombian are plausibly voting in the ethnic district.

Furthermore, the electoral results from 2006 to 2022 show three distinct patterns that could affect Black participation in the Afro-Colombian district. First, the number of parties and candidates competing for the two reserved seats for Afro-descendants has been consistently high. On average, 42 parties and 98 candidates compete each electoral cycle for the two reserved seats in the Chamber of Representatives. Second, due to the high number of parties and candidates, the level of fragmentation in the district is very high. Consequently, the number of votes that end up being “wasted” on a candidate who did not win has been, on average, close to 169,840. This number is around six times the votes needed to get elected to one of the seats in this district. Third, the number of votes cast “blank” is higher than other electoral districts in Colombia. To better understand the reasons behind the underperformance of Black districts, we conducted the following two survey experiments.

Survey experiment #1: District choice and racial preferences of voting
First, we simulated a voters’ choice between districts using a forced choice conjoint experiment. A conjoint experiment presents respondents with pairs of profiles with a series of randomized attributes for them to choose their preferred profile. This analysis allows us to learn and disentangle the most significant characteristics related to people’s decisions. Particularly, in our research, we asked respondents to choose between pairs of hypothetical districts that varied in attributes like the type of district (territorial or ethnic), the existence of vote-buying, and the ethnicity of the candidates (majority white or majority Black), among others. We then analyzed the differences in district preferences across subgroups in our sample.

“We also find that individuals who self-identify more strongly as Black and respondents who were part of ethnic organizations will choose districts with a majority of Black candidates over districts with a majority of white candidates irrespective of the type of district.”

The analysis of the conjoint results helped us identify that those who have suffered from discrimination or believe there is historical discrimination in Colombia chose ethnic districts more often than territorial districts. We also find that individuals who self-identify more strongly as Black and respondents who were part of ethnic organizations will choose districts with a majority of Black candidates over districts with a majority of white candidates irrespective of the type of district. We argue that these patterns are the result of a group consciousness that increases the desire for descriptive representation8Previous studies identify two types of political representation: descriptive and substantive representation. Consequently, a larger number of individuals of a minority group in a decision-making body will have higher levels of descriptive representation than a district with a lower number of these individuals. In contrast, substantive representation exists when these people foster agendas that benefit their constituency. Consequently, descriptive representation does not automatically lead to a more substantive representation. See Hanna F. Pitkin, The Concept of Representation (University of California Press, 1967); Jane Mansbridge, “Should Blacks Represent Blacks and Women Represent Women? A Contingent ‘Yes’,” Journal of Politics 61, no. 3 (1999): 628–657; Anne Phillips, The Politics of Presence (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 1998); Pranab Kumar Panday, “Representation without Participation: Quotas for Women in Bangladesh,” International Political Science Review 29, no. 4 (2008): 489–512. and racial cueing by political organizations that increases the salience of race and identity.

Survey experiment #2: Information and vote-choice
Since 2016, the Black district has received negative media attention due to a series of political scandals.9Mateo Villamizar-Chaparro and Cristina Echeverri-Pineda, “El Embolate de la Representación Étnica en las Curules Afro,” La Silla Llena, March 18, 2022. In response to this, we wanted to know if the information about the district affects the respondent’s district choice. We used a priming experiment where we divided our respondents into three groups. One group got negative information about the ethnic district. A second group received positive information about the work done by members of the district. Finally, the third group (control group) received information about a subject unrelated to Black district politics. We then compared those who received positive or negative information with the control group. Our results were not statistically significant. However, there is suggestive evidence that individuals who received positive information about the Black district had a larger intention to vote in said district in the 2022 elections. This null result of information on vote choice broadly aligns with the results of other similar experiments.10Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2019More Info →

We were also interested in knowing if the information people get about the district (through news, etc.) affects vote choice. So, we asked about the vote intention of those individuals who said they wanted to vote in the Black district in the next elections. We found suggestive evidence that those individuals receiving positive information tend to cast fewer blank votes and vote for parties more often when compared to the control group. Furthermore, those receiving negative information would cast more blank votes and prefer to vote for individual candidates more often when compared to the control group.

Conclusions

Our current and previous research on Colombia’s Black district shows an empirical puzzle regarding voting participation and representation. First, the ethnic district has been an essential mechanism for the political and social inclusion of historically discriminated and segregated groups. Despite this, electoral results show that voter participation in this district is low and fragmented. Consequently, the mandate between the elected politicians and their constituency is weak, allowing representatives to follow their own agendas instead of aiming for a more substantive representation of the Afro-Colombian population.

Regardless of these malfunctions, it appears people still believe in the importance of the district. When respondents were asked about the performance of Colombian congresspeople in general, only 7 percent indicated representatives were doing their job well and very well. However, when asked explicitly about representatives’ performance in the Black district, this number increased to 30 percent. Moreover, the fact that people vote massively in this district even to cast blank votes indicates the importance of this political institution.

“Our qualitative data indicated that the little legislative work on issues of interest to Afro-Colombians and the lack of constituency accountability translates to some Afro-Colombians not feeling represented by some of their elected politicians in the Black district.”

Our qualitative data indicated that the little legislative work on issues of interest to Afro-Colombians and the lack of constituency accountability translates to some Afro-Colombians not feeling represented by some of their elected politicians in the Black district. As a result, people can feel politically distant from institutions and decrease turnout in the district. Moreover, Afro-Colombian people can think that the democratic regime and the affirmative action measures do not improve living conditions and political exclusion of their communities. All of which contribute to democratic anxieties about issues of representation.

Supplementing research on the salience of race in Latin America,11→Natália S. Bueno and Thad Dunning, “Race, Resources, and Representation: Evidence from Brazilian Politicians,” World Politics 69, no. 2 (2017): 327–365.
→Peter Wade, Race and Ethnicity in Latin America (Pluto Press, 2010).
our research presents insights into the importance of considering discrimination, ethnic identity, and ethnic and social organizations in electoral preferences. Despite low participation rates, institutions and political leaders could promote strategies, such as educational programs and civic courses, to discuss among Afro-Colombians the importance of this district to highlight ethnic issues in public discussions.

We want to thank Mateo Bastidas Legarda and Winston Licona for excellent research assistance in this paper. This research was assisted by the Social Science Research Council’s Democratic Anxieties in the Americas Research Grant, with funds provided by the Open Society Foundations, William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, and the Mark and Anla Cheng Kingdon Foundation.

Banner photo: Globovision/Flickr.

References:

1
→Rodolfo Stavenhagen, “Derechos humanos y ciudadanía multicultural: los pueblos indígenas,” in Sociedades multiculturales y democracia en América Latina, ed. Jorge Nieto Montesino (México, DF: Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura (UNESCO)/Proyecto DEMOS, 1999), 17–36.
→Carlos Efren Agudelo, Retos del multiculturalismo en Colombia: Política y poblaciones negras (Medellín: La Carreta, 2005).
→Luis Carlos Castillo, Etnicidad y nación: El desafío de la diversidad en Colombia (Universidad del Valle, 2007).
→Mala Htun, “Is Gender like Ethnicity? The Political Representation of Identity Groups,” Perspectives on Politics 2, no. 3 (2004): 439–458.
2
Maritza Paredes and Tomás Došek, “The Subnational Indigenous Quota in Peru: The Paradoxes of Political Representation,” Latin American Politics and Society 62, no. 3 (2020): 123–148.
3
→Mara Loveman, National Colors: Racial Classification and the State in Latin America (Oxford University Press, 2014).
→Edward Telles, Pigmentocracies: Ethnicity, Race, and Color in Latin America (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2014).
4
→Cristina Echeverri-Pineda and Mateo Villamizar-Chaparro, “La representación y participación política afrocolombiana: Las elecciones del 2014 y los legisladores negros,” in Polarización y Posconflicto: Las elecciones nacionales y locales en Colombia, 2014–2017, eds. Felipe Botero, Miguel García Sánchez, and Laura Wills-Otero (Editorial Uniandes, 2018), 81–114.
→Mateo Villamizar-Chaparro and Cristina Echeverri-Pineda, “Voto en blanco y procesos organizativos en la representación de negritudes en Colombia: Elecciones del 2018,” in En configuración permanente: Partidos y elecciones nacionales y subnacionales en Colombia, 2018–2019, eds. Felipe Botero, Bibiana Ortega, Juan Federico Pino Uribe, and Laura Wills-Otero (Ediciones Uniandes y Editorial Javeriana, 2022), 309–333.
5
New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004More Info →
6
Htun, “Is Gender like Ethnicity?”
7
Ediciones Uniandes, 2011More Info →
8
Previous studies identify two types of political representation: descriptive and substantive representation. Consequently, a larger number of individuals of a minority group in a decision-making body will have higher levels of descriptive representation than a district with a lower number of these individuals. In contrast, substantive representation exists when these people foster agendas that benefit their constituency. Consequently, descriptive representation does not automatically lead to a more substantive representation. See Hanna F. Pitkin, The Concept of Representation (University of California Press, 1967); Jane Mansbridge, “Should Blacks Represent Blacks and Women Represent Women? A Contingent ‘Yes’,” Journal of Politics 61, no. 3 (1999): 628–657; Anne Phillips, The Politics of Presence (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 1998); Pranab Kumar Panday, “Representation without Participation: Quotas for Women in Bangladesh,” International Political Science Review 29, no. 4 (2008): 489–512.
9
Mateo Villamizar-Chaparro and Cristina Echeverri-Pineda, “El Embolate de la Representación Étnica en las Curules Afro,” La Silla Llena, March 18, 2022.
10
Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2019More Info →
11
→Natália S. Bueno and Thad Dunning, “Race, Resources, and Representation: Evidence from Brazilian Politicians,” World Politics 69, no. 2 (2017): 327–365.
→Peter Wade, Race and Ethnicity in Latin America (Pluto Press, 2010).